Introduction
In 2022, with the largest massacre in the history of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and with record convictions in nearly a century, Mohammed bin Salman tightened his grip on the country more than ever by appointing himself prime minister, with administrative and diplomatic immunity from any prosecution, thus giving him free rein to commit heinous human rights violations.
At the start of 2022, amid energy crises, global political upheavals, and the Ukraine war, the “diplomatic embargo” on Saudi Arabia was broken. After French President Emmanuel Macron’s visit at the end of 2021, MBS inaugurated a season of diplomatic visits that had been “prohibited” since the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi embassy in Istanbul, and human rights issues took a back seat to issues of energy and the economy.
In 2022, MBS hosted British Prime Minister Boris Johnson in March, US President Joe Biden in July, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholtz in September. These visits represent the tip of the iceberg of countries’ normalization of Saudi violations.
Many countries had taken a step back in their public relationship with MBS, under human rights pressure, in order to avoid tarnishing their image with a shameful relationship with a person of unpredictable brutality who was tied to the brutal murder of Khashoggi. Subsequently, with the series of diplomatic pilgrimages to Saudi Arabia this year, the country quickly recovered from the consequences of the ban, and its response to human rights pressure shifted to greater boldness to commit further violations undeterred.
In tandem with “breaking the isolation,” in March, Saudi Arabia carried out the largest mass execution in the country’s history, followed by grave violations, including arbitrary sentences of up to 90 years for activists—not for serious crimes but merely for tweets.
In September, MBS appointed himself prime minister by royal order, thereby declaring his full, public control over state decision-making. Within days, the US judiciary dismissed a lawsuit against him concerning his responsibility for Khashoggi’s death, and the US State Department justified the dismissal on the grounds that, as prime minister, he now possesses immunity.
Amid the proliferation of celebrations and festivals in various parts of the Kingdom, attempts to impose silence on society through intimidation, arrest, and suppression of freedoms increased. However, despite the ongoing sports, academic, diplomatic, and recreational whitewashing campaigns, and the continued payment of billions, the pictures and stories of victims continued to circulate showing that Saudi Arabia’s attempts to paint a false picture will not conceal the depth of its violations.
Executions
In its 2022 annual report, ESOHR tries to draw attention to the reality of human rights in Saudi Arabia, based on the cases it has observed during the year, with full assurance that this report reflects only a small percentage of the oppression occurring in the country.
The Saudi government’s handling of the death penalty has revealed its true face, and the number of executions carried out—147 as of November 23—displays a radical difference between what it promotes and reality
The path became clear in the first months of 2022, when Saudi Arabia executed 81 people on March 12, in the largest mass execution in the country’s history. Most of those put to death were not charged with the most serious crimes and were sentenced to ta’zir [discretionary] death penalties. Remarkably, this occurred nine days after a statement in which MBS said that Saudi Arabia had abolished the death penalty except for one group mentioned in the Quran, according to his claim. In the first quarter of the year, 100 executions were carried out, and, as of October, 1,000 executions have taken place since King Salman and his son took power in January 2015.
It is not possible to fully comprehend the details of most of these cases, but what ESOHR has been able to document makes plain the flagrant human rights violations in many cases, including that of Aqil al-Faraj, who was put to death in the March mass execution. The documentation confirms that he suffered severe torture, was deprived of the right to defend himself, and did not face the most serious charges—all while Saudi Arabia was claiming in its speeches at international events that it does not carry out the death penalty except for the most serious crimes.
According to statistics, at the end of the year, 61 people face execution, but indicators observed by ESOHR confirm that the number is greater by far. Those at risk are at various levels of prosecution. The public prosecution is calling for the death penalty for several people, including researcher Hassan al-Maliki and Sheikh Salman al-Awda, who continue to face trial delays since their arrest in September 2017.
New preliminary sentences have been issued against minors Jawad Qureiris and Ali al-Sbaiti, who are the youngest political detainees currently facing the death penalty in Saudi Arabia, as well as against individuals subjected to harsh torture, including Saud al-Faraj and Mohammed al-Labad. On October 2, the Specialized Criminal Court issued preliminary death sentences for three people from the Howeitat tribe, Shadli, Atallah, and Ibrahim al-Howeiti, amid their rejection of forcible displacement schemes.
In addition, two Bahraini citizens face the risk of execution at any moment after the Supreme Court certified their sentences despite the violations that plagued their trials. Meanwhile, the Specialized Court of Appeals certified a number of death sentences, including sentences against two minors, Abdullah al-Durazi and Jalal Labad, and the court reinstated the Qisas [retributive justice] death sentence against minor Abdullah al-Howeiti after the Supreme Court overturned his Hiraba [“waging war against society”] death sentence. The insistence on issuing death sentences against minors is among the most significant indicators of the major erosion in this area, with at least eight minors currently at risk of execution.
In November 2022, Saudi Arabia suddenly returned to carrying out death sentences on drug-related charges, two years and ten months after halting such executions. The Ministry of Interior announced that 20 executions were carried out between November 10 and November 23. Meanwhile, ESOHR found information indicating that other sentences were possibly carried out in secret without an announcement.
The official Saudi Human Rights Commission had promoted the suspension of the death sentence for drug crimes as a step toward improving human rights. Its head at that time, Awwad al-Awwad, stated that the suspension was aimed at “giving individuals charged with non-violent crimes a second chance.” The strange and disturbing return to executing those convicted of drug-related crimes confirms the depth of Saudi Arabia’s treacherous behavior and the serious danger renewed against potentially hundreds or thousands of drug offenders who crowd Saudi prisons.
In addition, Saudi Arabia continues the practice of detaining bodies, with at least 132 bodies detained, at least 12 of them belonging to minors. Information also confirms that victims’ families have been deprived of their right to hold a public funeral through direct threats, as well as of their right to an appropriate farewell, since the executions took place without informing the families.
Torture and ill treatment:
The official state apparatus, first and foremost the Presidency of State Security, which reports directly to the king, forms a strong network to practice systematic torture, which is carried out on the orders, wishes, and approval of the king, the crown prince, and the highest officials. In September 2019, MBS described reports of the torture of human rights advocate Loujain al-Hathloul as outrageous “if it happened.” That statement was followed by total disregard for an investigation into al-Hathloul’s case, in which she confirmed the responsibility of MBS’s direct aide, Saud al-Qahtani, for her torture. To this day, the torturers have not been held accountable, which exposes, at the very least, MBS’s approval of the crime of torture, which is more widespread than ever before in the history of the country.
ESOHR’s monitoring shows direct responsibility for torture borne by all official agencies reporting to the king and the crown prince, who make it happen by direct orders or direct condonation. In a country like Saudi Arabia there is no separation of powers, thus the first person responsible for a crime is MBS.
Monitoring shows that torture and ill treatment begins during the stage of detention and investigation and continues during trial and after sentences are issued. Furthermore, documentation on dozens of cases indicates the lack of any means of holding perpetrators accountable, especially since the agencies responsible for violations are directly linked to the king and crown prince.
One of the signs of Saudi Arabia’s eagerness to conceal its use of torture is its continued disregard for visit requests made by the UN special rapporteur on torture for 16 years, which he renewed this year. Over the past ten years, the special rapporteur has sent 86 letters regarding individuals subjected to torture, which confirms the gravity of this practice in Saudi Arabia.
Among the many documented cases, detainees facing execution were subjected to wide violations, including ill treatment and torture in prison. In August, the Specialized Court of Appeals upheld the death sentence against minor Abdullah al-Durazi, despite his confirmation before the judge that he had suffered torture to force him to make specific statements. The torture caused burns around the eye, broken teeth, and pain in his knee and ears, which led to him being transported to the hospital more than once.
In addition to al-Durazi, the Specialized Criminal Court sentenced Mohammed al-Labad to death after confessions were extracted from him under severe torture. He was put in a dark room for days, in a freezing cold room, and then in a room with bright lights to keep him from sleeping. Al-Labad was also subjected to cursing, slanders, and threats to rape and kill his sisters. The torture he suffered led to repeated fainting, hypotension, and a weak pulse, which landed him in the hospital, and his ongoing and continual pain prevented him from sleeping. His long-term effects included forgetfulness and inability to concentrate. Four times he refused to sign what the investigator wrote, but each time his torture began again until he certified it under duress, in order to avoid a repetition of the brutal torture.
Ill treatment and torture of some detainees continues even after they are sentenced. Maythem al-Tammar, a former detainee from Pakistan, confirmed that he witnessed various forms of torture suffered by detainees, including Saud al-Faraj, who faces execution. Al-Tammar indicated that prison officers severely beat al-Faraj and returned him to his cell, bleeding, because he had submitted a complaint to the crown prince discussing the violations he had suffered during interrogation.
The Saudi government’s practice of intimidating detainees and their relatives, including foreign detainees who are repatriated, has not prevented access to information revealing the widespread practice of torture. Nevertheless, Saudi Arabia continues to deny the practice of torture in international forums and claims that the official Human Rights Commission is a neutral body that receives complaints from detainees in the event of any violation. However, there has been no serious investigation of any of the allegations of torture monitored by ESOHR.
Freedom of opinion and expression:
The level of oppression in Saudi Arabia is unprecedented in the era of King Salman and his son, but 2022 represented an additional shock with regard to repression of freedoms. Saudi Arabia doubled arbitrary sentences against individuals for expressing their opinion and exercising legitimate rights. The Kingdom also escalated its misuse of laws, including the Law on Combating Crimes of Terrorism and its Financing and the Anti-Cybercrime Law, in order to prosecute activists. The year 2022 saw unprecedented sentences amounting to decades in prison and travel bans.
In August, the Specialized Court of Criminal Appeals issued a 68-year prison sentence and travel ban against human rights advocate Salma al-Shehab (born November 9, 1988) for her peaceful opinions on Twitter.
In September, the Specialized Court of Criminal Appeals sentenced activist Noura al-Qahtani to prison and banned her from travel for 90 years, on charges related to freedom of expression and possession of a book. The Specialized Criminal Court had issued a preliminary 13-year prison sentence, but the public prosecutor rejected the sentence and demanded the appeals judge stiffen it on the grounds of her failure to plead guilty and the possibility of her returning to the practice of the alleged crimes.
In October, the Specialized Court of Appeals issued a 15-year prison sentence against Tunisian resident Mahdia al-Marzougui on charges related to Twitter.
On June 23, Saudi Arabia arrested social media activist Musa al-Khunaizi. Days before his arrest, an incitement campaign was launched against him on social media concerning a video clip in which he stated, in a conversation with a woman on a social media network, that Shiites were persecuted and insulted in Friday pulpits.
Furthermore, Saudi Arabia continues to arrest numerous male and female activists for expressing their opinion, including Lina al-Sharif, who was arrested in May 2021, when she was active on social media demanding freedoms and rights.
Women’s rights
In August 2022, a video circulated that reflected the degree to which the official apparatus can go in its violent treatment of women. The video showed several girls in a social education home in the Khamis Mushait area being violently beaten by men in security uniforms and civilian clothes. Video clips circulated on social media showing the use of implements against the girls, including whips and sticks, in addition to punches and hair-pulling, in a home primarily responsible for the care of orphans. The clips also showed the men threatening the girls who were documenting and filming the assault. Despite the brutality shown in the video, many, including a source in the public prosecutor’s office, held the girls responsible, describing the aggression as “a case of the waste of public money in social education homes.” News about the girls was cut off after they posted the clips, and no information on their fate was provided, nor whether the male abusers were held accountable. Likewise, no change was observed in the care homes, although data indicate that they involve many violations.
During 2022, Saudi Arabia continued to try to burnish its women’s rights image through media campaigns focusing on talk of quantum leaps and promoting the appointment of women to various official positions, including the diplomatic corps. In reality, the appointments came about within an official propaganda framework that uses rather than empowers women. Saudi Arabia’s ongoing detention of dozens of female human rights advocates and activists, or its harassment of them with travel bans, exposes the falsehood and superficiality of these efforts.
In addition, women must still get permission from their husband or father, or even their sons in some cases, with regard to marriage and personal life decisions. Moreover, laws extolled in Saudi Arabia, including the law on protection from abuse, remain inadequate in protecting women from official violence in prison or from domestic violence in the home.
Human rights advocates:
Saudi Arabia has escalated its violations against male and female human rights advocates. Aside from the travel and communication ban policy against those released from prison, the Kingdom continues to criminalize human rights advocacy.
While a number of human rights advocates were supposed to be released after the end of their sentences, namely Mohammed al-Rabeeah, Issa al-Nukhaifi, and Mohammed al-Qahtani, their detentions were continued.
Information indicates that al-Rabeeah announced a hunger strike on account of not being released, while sources confirmed that his prison sentence was increased to 17 years after his retrial.
On April 17, human rights advocate Issa al-Nukhaifi declared a hunger strike from al-Ha’ir Prison in Riyadh. According to reports, the strike came amid the rejection of his request to complete government transactions, resulting in damages to his family and children.
On May 26, the human rights advocate and member of HASEM (the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association), Dr. Mohammed al-Qahtani, was physically assaulted by a mentally ill prisoner while asleep in his cell at al-Ha’ir Prison in Riyadh, according to his wife, Maha al-Qahtani. On October 24, 2022, al-Qahtani was forcibly disappeared, and his fate remains unknown as of the publication of this report, when he was supposed to have been released.
In addition, this year, the appeals court added five years to the sentence of activist Israa al-Ghomgham, bringing her prison sentence to 13 years. Al-Ghomgham was arrested in December 2015, and she was the first activist for whom the public prosecutor demanded the death penalty. The request was later changed, and she was sentenced to eight years in prison, which was supposed to end in September 2023.
Political prisons are overflowing with male and female human rights advocates; however, news of them is lacking because they are harassed and their families are intimidated.
Freedom of the press:
Saudi Arabia remains at the bottom internationally in terms of freedom of the press. According to the Reporters Without Borders 2022 index, Saudi Arabia ranks 166th out of 180 countries and the percentage of reporters detained in the Kingdom has tripled since 2017.
There is no freedom of the press in Saudi Arabia. The government controls traditional media, meticulously monitors social media, and goes after journalists and individuals who share information through arrests, harassment, high monetary fines, and even murder. In addition, the Kingdom criminalizes communication with media not aligned with official positions and uses it as a charge by which to prosecute individuals.
According to statistics, at least 26 journalists are languishing in prison; yet, given the expanding concept of journalism, it is expected that others are behind bars for a practice related to aspects of media activity. The anti-terrorism and terrorism financing law and the anti-cybercrimes law continue to be used to criminalize the work of journalists.
Saudi Arabia exerts various efforts to control journalists, using different means, including digitally obtained information, to pursue journalists at home and abroad. In December, a federal court in San Francisco sentenced a former Twitter manager for spying on activists and journalists for Saudi Arabia.
The murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, and the lack of any actual prosecution of those directly responsible for the crime, first and foremost MBS, remains a testament to the level of official brutality in targeting journalists and silencing their voices.
Displaced persons:
In 2022, ESOHR monitored violations against displaced persons seeking asylum throughout the world. The number of forced migrants from Saudi Arabia increased with the events of the Arab Spring.
Among these cases is that of Abd al-Rahman Abdullah al-Bakr al-Khalidi, who faces deportation from Bulgaria to Saudi Arabia after his asylum application was rejected. In February, the asylum request was rejected based on a report stating that “official agencies in Saudi Arabia have taken a number of measures to democratize society,” based on the formal municipal elections held by the Saudi government. According to al-Khalidi, Saudi intelligence intervened in the asylum application to prevent him from obtaining asylum and to push his deportation.
ESOHR also monitored other cases of asylum seekers. In some cases, those facing deportation are at risk of execution on account of their positions and opinions if they are forcibly returned to Saudi Arabia. According to information and analysis of the court’s decision, it appears that the reason is that accepting the request affects the country’s interests with Saudi Arabia.
Children’s rights:
Despite Saudi Arabia’s claim in international forums that it adheres to its commitments on children’s rights, especially since it is a state party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, abuses continue at multiple levels.
According to ESOHR’s documentation, at least eight minors face execution: Abdullah al-Durazi, Youssef al-Manasif, Hassan Zaki al-Faraj, Ali al-Sbaiti, Jawad Qureiris, Jawad al-Labad, Mahdi al-Mohsen, and Abdullah al-Howeiti.
ESOHR is tracking the cases to confirm their subjection to many abuses, including torture, ill treatment, and denial of the right to self-defense.
ESOHR’s monitoring also indicates that Saudi Arabia detains dozens of minors, including Mohammed al-Faraj, Sajjad Al Yassin, who was sentenced to 35 years in prison in October 2022, and Mujtaba al-Safwani, who was previously sentenced to 13 years, despite the juvenile law’s explicit provision that the maximum penalty for minors is ten years. The courts also continue to issue ta’zir death sentences against minors in flagrant violation of the law.
Enforced disappearance
Saudi Arabia continues to use enforced disappearance, which paves the way for many later violations against detainees and allows the repressive apparatus a higher level of abuse far from prying eyes.
Within the March 12 mass execution, Saudi Arabia executed two young men, Mohammed al-Shakhouri and Asaad Shuber, after an unfair trial in which they suffered various abuses, beginning with their enforced disappearance upon their arrest. UN special rapporteurs confirmed their enforced disappearance. In addition, from 2011 to August 2022, the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances sent 12 cases asking Saudi Arabia about the fate of individuals subjected to enforced disappearance, along with questions surrounding the use of the anti-terrorism law to justify enforced disappearances.
The length of time to which detainees are subjected to enforced disappearance varies, in some cases lasting for years. Among them is the case of a Lebanese engineer, Ali Mazyad, who remained disappeared without any knowledge of him for more than one year and four months, starting in August 2021. Later, it turned out that he was under investigation and faced no charges, and he arrived in his country unexpectedly without his family being informed of his deportation until he arrived at the Beirut airport.
The repressive behavior of the Saudi government and the Presidency of State Security set a precedent in the case of Mohammed al-Qahtani. While his family was awaiting his release in November 2022, the human rights advocate was disappeared. His family was cut off from any news of him days after he submitted a complaint about the abuses he suffered in prison. The activist, Abdul Rahman al-Sadhan, has also been forcibly re-disappeared since October 2021.
Forced displacement
The projects implemented by the Saudi government in several parts of the country strongly affect the poorest groups. In January 2022, a large-scale forcible displacement of the residents of several neighborhoods in the city of Jeddah began.
Although the government intimidates residents who are victims of forcible displacement, follow-up has confirmed that the evictions involved numerous violations of international and local laws. According to estimates, approximately half a million people have been displaced by the destruction of neighborhoods in Jeddah. These practices have expanded in recent years, with hundreds displaced from the neighborhood of al-Musawara in the city of Awamiya, along with thousands of tribespeople in the Tabuk region and other regions of Saudi Arabia.
Several reports confirm that some neighborhood residents did not receive sufficient prior warning or compensation prior to the demolition of their homes. In October 2022, the intensity of the repression reached the point that the Specialized Criminal Court issued death sentences against Shadli al-Howeiti, Ibrahim al-Howeiti, and Atallah al-Howeiti for their rejection of forcible displacement under the Neom project.
Poverty:
There is a lack of transparency in Saudi Arabia’s handling of the facts and figures on poverty. The absence of information contributes to the lack of any role for civil society or organizations that could report the facts. Nevertheless, indicators show that the percent of those in poverty remains high.
With the major economic changes in recent years, many Saudi families have been harmed and increasingly burdened. In 2017, this prompted the government to create a support program called “Citizen’s Account.” Despite the lack of official statistics on the number of those in poverty, in September 2022, Saudi Arabia announced that nearly 10 million people are benefitting from the support program, which is supposed to affect low- and middle-income families. This reflects to a great extent the poverty numbers in Saudi Arabia.
Moreover, Saudi Arabia is considered one of the most discriminatory countries against women in terms of wages, as an ESOHR report observed. According to the 2022 Global Gender Gap Index, published by the World Economic Forum, Saudi Arabia ranks 127th in terms of gender wage equality among the 146 countries included in the index.
and mechanisms:
By examining the nature of Saudi Arabia’s engagement with UN human rights mechanisms, it is clear that the Kingdom’s concern is to show itself as cooperating with these mechanisms. In reality, its letters and replies confirm its lack of seriousness and good faith, as it focuses on excessive self-praise, denial of all criticism, and resistance to recommendations. Saudi Arabia has not succeeded in its attempts, and has received numerous criticisms from a variety of these mechanisms, many of which ESOHR has observed.
On January 22, UN special rapporteurs sent a letter to Saudi Arabia, calling on it to immediately suspend the implementation of the death penalty against both Jaafar Sultan and Sadiq Thamer, and stating that information about the case makes their execution arbitrary. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court upheld their verdicts, and they face final death sentences.
On January 28, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention published its opinion on the case of Abdullah al-Howeiti, stressing that his denial of freedom is arbitrary and calling for an investigation into the abuses he has suffered. The Saudi government did not respond to the Working Group’s opinion, and the court once again sentenced him to death.
In February, UN special rapporteurs published a letter expressing their concerns about information they received regarding victims of human trafficking among Vietnamese women and girls.
Also in February, special rapporteurs published a letter they had previously directed to Saudi Arabia. The experts expressed their deep concern over Saudi Arabia’s use of “a widespread pattern of arbitrary detentions” affecting individuals, including human rights advocates peacefully exercising their legitimate human rights to expression, opinion, belief, assembly, and association.
On February 4, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention said that, given Saudi Arabia’s claims of willingness to cooperate with the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms, and in light of the Kingdom’s systematic violations, it is awaiting a date to visit, which it again requested in August 2021, as quickly as possible. Saudi Arabia continues to ignore the visit request.
On February 25, seven UN experts sent a letter to Saudi Arabia, stressing that its commitments obligate it to ban the death penalty and its use for all crimes committed by those under the age of 18 at the time the crime was committed. Currently, in flagrant disregard of these letters, at least eight minors face the death penalty.
On March 15, the former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, condemned Saudi Arabia’s mass execution of 81 people. She stressed that many of the cases involved grave violations that may amount to war crimes.
On March 28, seven UN special rapporteurs sent a letter expressing their shock and anger at information provided to them about Saudi Arabia’s execution of 81 people.
In April, UN human rights experts expressed their concern over Saudi Arabia’s baseless detention of two Chinese-national Uyghurs since November 2020, and its intention to extradite them to China.
In April, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention adopted an opinion stating that Saudi Arabia’s detention and sentencing to death of a Jordanian citizen, Hussein Abu al-Khair, is arbitrary. The Working Group indicated that, during the group’s 30 years in operation, the Kingdom has violated international human rights laws in more than 65 cases. In November 2022, Saudi Arabia resumed the implementation of the death penalty in drug-related cases, thus Abu al-Khair faces execution at any moment.
In the framework of the Human Rights Council’s 49th session, the special rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism emphasized in her report that Saudi Arabia is among the countries that continues to violate human rights and secretly detain people on the pretext of combatting terrorism.
On June 13, several UN human rights experts expressed their grave concern over information provided to them regarding the Saudi public prosecutor’s request for the death penalty against minor Youssef al-Manasif, and they requested an immediate halt to all steps toward issuing such a sentence. Later, al-Manasif was given the death penalty, in blatant disregard of the opinion and request of the UN experts.
In November, the new High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, called Saudi Arabia’s resumption of the death penalty for drug-related crimes “deeply regrettable,” and he emphasized that imposing the death penalty for drug-related crimes conflicts with international rules and standards.
On September 19, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention issued an official opinion stating that Saudi Arabia’s detention of citizen Abdul Rahman al-Sadhan (who has been forcibly disappeared since October 2021) is arbitrary under international human rights law. The Working Group called on Saudi Arabia to release him immediately and compensate him for his illegal detention. Al-Sadhan remains forcibly disappeared, and his family does not know his whereabouts.
On November 9, the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, expressed her deep concern for the health and life of human rights advocate Mohammed al-Qahtani after his enforced disappearance. Saudi Arabia completely ignored her statement and continued his disappearance.
On December 1, several UN human rights experts expressed their alarm at Saudi Arabia’s decision to end the unofficial freeze on the death penalty for drug-related offenses.
International criticism:
Saudi Arabia has received broad criticisms of its violations from countries and governmental authorities. On March 14, the European Union condemned the execution of 81 people on March 12. The EU High Representative indicated in the statement that the mass execution represents another worrying increase in the trend of using this penalty.
During the UN Human Rights Council’s 49th session, Luxembourg declared that the situation in Yemen raises deep concerns, especially after Saudi Arabia’s escalation of violence and attacks on infrastructure and civilians. The country also indicated that the suppression of freedom of expression, association, and assembly for activists is increasing in Saudi Arabia.
According to Iceland, the world is seeing ongoing restrictions on freedom of expression, freedom of the press, and peaceful demonstration, which is a legitimate right. The country also noted that women and girls in Saudi Arabia remain subject to discriminatory laws. Meanwhile, the United States urged Saudi Arabia to review the cases of prisoners of conscience and take measures to stop the abuses against them.
For its part, Switzerland deplored the mass execution of 81 people, while Austria expressed its displeasure with it. Sweden said that Saudi Arabia used anti-terrorism laws to implement this penalty, and Belgium, in turn, expressed its shock at the executions. Denmark expressed its concerns for cases of mass execution, while Australia described as horrific the situation in Saudi Arabia with regard to the mass execution it carried out.
On June 24, two members of the European Parliament expressed their “dismay” at the decision of the criminal court in Tabuk to sentence minor Abdullah al-Howeiti to death for the second time.
During the Human Rights Council’s 51st session in September, several countries directed harsh criticisms at Saudi Arabia. Sweden expressed concern over its restriction of human rights, while the representative from Denmark called on the Kingdom to respect human rights and international law. On the other hand, Norway called on Saudi Arabia to halt women’s rights violations, and Holland stressed that the Kingdom must stop the death penalty on charges related to religious opinions. For its part, Luxembourg asked Saudi Arabia to respect human rights advocates.
ESOHR activities in 2022:
Among its activities, ESOHR raised several complaints with the UN special rapporteurs, who followed up on the issues with the Saudi government and, in some cases, provided it with legal advice. ESOHR also sent topical reports that the rapporteurs focused on with regard to the human rights issues in them.
ESOHR published 123 articles on its website in Arabic and English. The articles were distributed among general reports highlighting general or individual cases, general news, and ESOHR news.
ESOHR participated in Human Rights Council sessions. For example, during the 49th HRC session in March, ESOHR’s legal director, Taha al-Hajji, stressed that Saudi Arabia’s executions disregard its obligations. In September, during Item 4 debate at the HRC’s 51st session, ESOHR Vice President Adel al-Saeed confirmed that human rights are seeing unprecedented deterioration and noted that Saudi Arabia has recently issued harsh sentences reaching 90 years of combined jail time and travel bans against male and female activists on charges related to expression of opinion.
In addition, ESOHR documented several cases and violations and published and shared reports with the media and official authorities in order to raise awareness of the human rights reality amid Saudi attempts to falsify it.
ESOHR also worked on the laws that Saudi Arabia relies on to justify its abuses, including a legal analysis of the juvenile law and royal order and an exposition of the facts.
ESOHR also intensified its participation with other organizations through public statements and joint letters to the relevant authorities.
ESOHR also organized a number of seminars and spaces, as well as its annual conference, entitled “Whitewashing and Manipulation: Saudi Tools to Cover Up Violations.” ESOHR members participated in global conferences and events to reveal the facts about the reality in Saudi Arabia.
Summary:
The course of 2022 established that Crown Prince Mohammed Mohammed bin Salman is de facto responsible for the painful human rights situation in the country and that the character of Saudi engagement with human rights is linked to his known volatile behavior. The past years have shown his deep hostility towards the most basic principles of human rights.
As an inevitable result of MBS’s one-man rule, the level of oppression increased in 2022. The largest mass execution was carried out, and dozens await their fate on death row, including minors and individuals who do not face serious charges. Opinion-makers, human rights advocates, and activists are also in detention centers, the persecution of women is expanding, freedom of opinion and expression is being violated, and people are being displaced from their homes and residences.
In light of the eradication of all the prevailing norms that prevented some violations in previous years, and with the increasing entanglement in international political relations and the game of interests, the ground is being prepared for further unrestricted persecution. The year 2023 threatens to be grim, its bleakness only lessened by the loudness of the voices of the victims, despite attempts to impose silence, and those standing against the whitewashing and manipulation that Saudi Arabia is buying with its billions.